How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them
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- Author：Jason F. Stanley
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Summary
"No single book is as relevant to the present moment。"--Claudia Rankine， author of Citizen
"One of the defining books of the decade。"--Elizabeth Hinton， author of From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime
NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW EDITORS' CHOICE - With a new preface - Fascist politics are running rampant in America today--and spreading around the world。 A Yale philosopher identifies the ten pillars of fascist politics， and charts their horrifying rise and deep history。
As the child of refugees of World War II Europe and a renowned philosopher and scholar of propaganda， Jason Stanley has a deep understanding of how democratic societies can be vulnerable to fascism: Nations don't have to be fascist to suffer from fascist politics。 In fact， fascism's roots have been present in the United States for more than a century。 Alarmed by the pervasive rise of fascist tactics both at home and around the globe， Stanley focuses here on the structures that unite them， laying out and analyzing the ten pillars of fascist politics--the language and beliefs that separate people into an "us" and a "them。" He knits together reflections on history， philosophy， sociology， and critical race theory with stories from contemporary Hungary， Poland， India， Myanmar， and the United States， among other nations。 He makes clear the immense danger of underestimating the cumulative power of these tactics， which include exploiting a mythic version of a nation's past; propaganda that twists the language of democratic ideals against themselves; anti-intellectualism directed against universities and experts; law and order politics predicated on the assumption that members of minority groups are criminals; and fierce attacks on labor groups and welfare。 These mechanisms all build on one another， creating and reinforcing divisions and shaping a society vulnerable to the appeals of authoritarian leadership。
By uncovering disturbing patterns that are as prevalent today as ever， Stanley reveals that the stuff of politics--charged by rhetoric and myth--can quickly become policy and reality。 Only by recognizing fascists politics， he argues， may we resist its most harmful effects and return to democratic ideals。
"With unsettling insight and disturbing clarity， How Fascism Works is an essential guidebook to our current national dilemma of democracy vs。 authoritarianism。"--William Jelani Cobb， author of The Substance of Hope
"One of the defining books of the decade。"--Elizabeth Hinton， author of From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime
NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW EDITORS' CHOICE - With a new preface - Fascist politics are running rampant in America today--and spreading around the world。 A Yale philosopher identifies the ten pillars of fascist politics， and charts their horrifying rise and deep history。
As the child of refugees of World War II Europe and a renowned philosopher and scholar of propaganda， Jason Stanley has a deep understanding of how democratic societies can be vulnerable to fascism: Nations don't have to be fascist to suffer from fascist politics。 In fact， fascism's roots have been present in the United States for more than a century。 Alarmed by the pervasive rise of fascist tactics both at home and around the globe， Stanley focuses here on the structures that unite them， laying out and analyzing the ten pillars of fascist politics--the language and beliefs that separate people into an "us" and a "them。" He knits together reflections on history， philosophy， sociology， and critical race theory with stories from contemporary Hungary， Poland， India， Myanmar， and the United States， among other nations。 He makes clear the immense danger of underestimating the cumulative power of these tactics， which include exploiting a mythic version of a nation's past; propaganda that twists the language of democratic ideals against themselves; anti-intellectualism directed against universities and experts; law and order politics predicated on the assumption that members of minority groups are criminals; and fierce attacks on labor groups and welfare。 These mechanisms all build on one another， creating and reinforcing divisions and shaping a society vulnerable to the appeals of authoritarian leadership。
By uncovering disturbing patterns that are as prevalent today as ever， Stanley reveals that the stuff of politics--charged by rhetoric and myth--can quickly become policy and reality。 Only by recognizing fascists politics， he argues， may we resist its most harmful effects and return to democratic ideals。
"With unsettling insight and disturbing clarity， How Fascism Works is an essential guidebook to our current national dilemma of democracy vs。 authoritarianism。"--William Jelani Cobb， author of The Substance of Hope
Reviews
Rick Quinn
，
I know the term "must read book" is often overused but this book is really an important read as we discern and live through extremely tumultuous times。 Yale philosopher Jason Stanley offers a clear， comprehensive， and revealing analysis of the rise of fascist politics in 21st century that we would do well to consider。 Because the claim of "fascism" is seen to be extreme and because we associate it with Nazi Germany or Mussolini's Italy with little historical understanding of the circumstances， r I know the term "must read book" is often overused but this book is really an important read as we discern and live through extremely tumultuous times。 Yale philosopher Jason Stanley offers a clear， comprehensive， and revealing analysis of the rise of fascist politics in 21st century that we would do well to consider。 Because the claim of "fascism" is seen to be extreme and because we associate it with Nazi Germany or Mussolini's Italy with little historical understanding of the circumstances， rhetoric， and social conditions of those times， we are often reticent to use it。 Stanley's book explains the way in which fascism takes root in a politics focused on creating and sustaining an "us vs。 them" scenario where a dominant group reacts to shifting social norms and demographics as "victimization。" This cogent and clear analysis sheds light on the rise of phenomena such as the "anti-CRT" movement， so-called "bathroom" bills， and the lionization of the "individual" （which is specifically gendered and racialized without admitting to it） over any sense of common good or community。 We are in troubling times and this book offers a needed perspective from which to critically analyze and consider our situation and the way forward。 。。。more
Bob Price
，
How did Donald Trump convince people to vote for him？ Why did “Make America Great Again” resonate with so many people？ These are among the questions that Jason Stanley asks in How Facism Works: The Politics of Us and Them。 Where this book works the best is the description of how politics in the 2020s works and connecting them to former methods in the past。 The idea that that the German Nazi movement used things like creating a fictional past （or a time when German was truly great） and connecting How did Donald Trump convince people to vote for him？ Why did “Make America Great Again” resonate with so many people？ These are among the questions that Jason Stanley asks in How Facism Works: The Politics of Us and Them。 Where this book works the best is the description of how politics in the 2020s works and connecting them to former methods in the past。 The idea that that the German Nazi movement used things like creating a fictional past （or a time when German was truly great） and connecting that to MAGA is like a lightbulb。 Once you see it， you can’t unsee it。 Where this book doesn’t work is it’s oversimplification of the MAGA movement。 There are more things at work with MAGA that does not get discussed in this book （i。e。 bad economic situation， uncertain futures， etc）。 Instead everything gets lumped into a political and racial view of domination。 Not everyone who is part of the movement has authoritarian overtones。 Rather some are motivated by a desire to ensure the nation doesn’t fall。But overall， Stanley’s work is a good read and helps decode some of the political anxiety that is out there in the world today。 It’s more like a 3。5 out of 5 stars。 Stanley’s writing is non-technical and easily accessible。 Overall， I recommend this book to everyone interested in the current political debates。 Grade: B 。。。more
Kent
，
While there is much in this research and analysis of how fascism works that one should deeply consider and ponder， I had difficulty with the author’s over-zealous application in some of the so-called examples of present-day fascism。This comes as a surprise， considering the author’s attempt to reveal the unhelpful “us and them” thinking in today’s political thought。 In fact， this is a very divisive book wherein the author champions his own left-wing political views and considers all right-wing vi While there is much in this research and analysis of how fascism works that one should deeply consider and ponder， I had difficulty with the author’s over-zealous application in some of the so-called examples of present-day fascism。This comes as a surprise， considering the author’s attempt to reveal the unhelpful “us and them” thinking in today’s political thought。 In fact， this is a very divisive book wherein the author champions his own left-wing political views and considers all right-wing views to be fascist in origin and application。In Stanley’s assessment， all religious people （well， Christians， Hindus and Muslims anyway） and any others who support traditional family structures are fascist at their core。I recognize the dangerous fascist tendencies of many leaders and members of the “hijacked” republican party in the United States （hence， my interest in reading this book）， but Stanley seems to have established his fascist strategies by neatly fitting everything conservatives stand for into his definitions。This is all too bad because this message is an important one in this juncture in time， but it will be easily set aside because of the author’s obvious biases。 。。。more
Chris Quartly
，
I was surprised a book about fascism would be so。。。 Well， it was all a bit dull and mostly filled with "of course。。。"or "Dur" moments I was surprised a book about fascism would be so。。。 Well， it was all a bit dull and mostly filled with "of course。。。"or "Dur" moments 。。。more
Angel Garrido
，
Bastante necesario para los tiempos que corren。 Desgrana todos los mecanismos del fascismo de una manera ágil。
Elari
，
A great many things are grouped indiscriminately under the umbrella of fascism （e。g。 I doubt that White Americans feeling threatened by minorities， or the wish to study potential cognitive differences between men and women， are fascistic in and of themselves）。 Not comfortable with semantic slips， but I still thought it's a super interesting book full of examples of reprehensible political views， agendas， and actions — from Myanmar to Poland to the US， from anti-abortion laws to anti-intellectual A great many things are grouped indiscriminately under the umbrella of fascism （e。g。 I doubt that White Americans feeling threatened by minorities， or the wish to study potential cognitive differences between men and women， are fascistic in and of themselves）。 Not comfortable with semantic slips， but I still thought it's a super interesting book full of examples of reprehensible political views， agendas， and actions — from Myanmar to Poland to the US， from anti-abortion laws to anti-intellectual propaganda to genocide。 A must-read。Hannah Arendt writes:It was always a too little noted hallmark of fascist propaganda that it was not satisfied with lying but deliberately proposed to transform its lies into reality。 Thus， Das Schwarze Korps conceded several years before the outbreak of the war that people abroad did not completely believe the Nazi contention that all Jews are homeless beggars who can only subsist as parasites in the economic organism of other nations; but foreign public opinion， they prophesied， would in a few years be given the opportunity to convince itself of this fact when the German Jews would be driven out across the borders like a pack of beggars。 For such a fabrication of a lying reality no one was prepared。 The essential characteristic of fascist propaganda was never its lies， for this is something more or less common to propaganda everywhere and of every time。 The essential thing was that they exploited the age-old Occidental prejudice which confuses reality with truth， and made that “true” which until then could only be stated as a lie。 。。。more
Virginia Moraes
，
4，5。Com certeza vou usar no TCC。Linguagem fácil e inúmeras exemplificações， entetabte alguns argumentos são um pouco rasos e não levam em consideração fatores chaves。 Outro ponto que me aborreceu foi o uso da palavra 'denegrir'。 De resto， é um ótimo livro， recomendaria até pra quem não é da área de RI/política， mas se interessa pelo assunto。 4，5。Com certeza vou usar no TCC。Linguagem fácil e inúmeras exemplificações， entetabte alguns argumentos são um pouco rasos e não levam em consideração fatores chaves。 Outro ponto que me aborreceu foi o uso da palavra 'denegrir'。 De resto， é um ótimo livro， recomendaria até pra quem não é da área de RI/política， mas se interessa pelo assunto。 。。。more
Torrey Park
，
This was a quick and easy read that helped me understand the basics of fascism and how it can steadily erode democratic civilizations， if left unchecked and unchallenged。 Highly recommend it for those who are concerned about the direction that the USA is headed since the Trump presidency。
Eric Fernandes
，
Ótimo livro。 Uma versão clara e atualizada de como o fascismo se aproveita da democracia para se instalar no poder。 Muitos alertas ao que vivemos no momento atual。 Leitura que abre os olhos para ver com um pé atrás discursos poliricos。
Vaggelis
，
Θεωρώ ότι παρόλο πού έχω διαβάσει πολύ πιο αναλυτικά κείμενα πάνω στο θέμα， τό συγκεκριμένο βιβλίο τά καταφέρνει χάρη στην απλότητα και την καθαρότητα τού。Όποιος ενδιαφέρεται για μία έγκυρη καί λιτή καταγραφή τών μεθόδων καί τής δημαγωγίας πού χρησιμοποιούν οι φασίστες για νά δικαιολογήσουν καί νά εδραιώσουν τίς φρικιαστικές θέσεις τούς， ας διαβάσει αυτό τό βιβλίο。Είναι εξαιρετικά ξεκούραστο καί απευθύνεται σε άτομα πού θέλουν νά κάνουν μία ομαλή εισαγωγή στο θέμα。4/5
Anushka Mitra
，
A succinct and important read on how fascist politics works。 The author covers a lot of ground， and at times I wish I had more context， but that's a task for the reader。 PS。 Also quite depressing， given the current political climate in India。 A succinct and important read on how fascist politics works。 The author covers a lot of ground， and at times I wish I had more context， but that's a task for the reader。 PS。 Also quite depressing， given the current political climate in India。 。。。more
Aaron
，
It's a better book than I thought it would be。 I found just about every bit of the book to be informative and timely It's a better book than I thought it would be。 I found just about every bit of the book to be informative and timely 。。。more
Bruno
，
Deveria ter lido em português。。。
Rachel
，
This book did what I wanted in that it gave me enough of a primer to the subject for a jumping off point for more questions。 In that regard， everything was pretty well explained， and the book was short enough that I didn't feel like it either overwhelmed with info or dragged on too repetitively。 This book did what I wanted in that it gave me enough of a primer to the subject for a jumping off point for more questions。 In that regard， everything was pretty well explained， and the book was short enough that I didn't feel like it either overwhelmed with info or dragged on too repetitively。 。。。more
Michelle Daniela
，
Fascinada es poco。Este es el libro más esencial que he leído este año; me dan ganas de regalárselo a todos mis conocidos。Y es que el autor logra mostrar el 10 puntos como es que el facismo y el terror se encuentra escalando nuevamente a los espacios de poder en todo el mundo， aunque sus ejemplos son al 100% del occidente。 Cabe agregar que su estilo es sencillo， lo cual hace accesible e interesante la información que presenta。 Pasa del pasado al presente constatemente con sus ejemplos， y a las po Fascinada es poco。Este es el libro más esencial que he leído este año; me dan ganas de regalárselo a todos mis conocidos。Y es que el autor logra mostrar el 10 puntos como es que el facismo y el terror se encuentra escalando nuevamente a los espacios de poder en todo el mundo， aunque sus ejemplos son al 100% del occidente。 Cabe agregar que su estilo es sencillo， lo cual hace accesible e interesante la información que presenta。 Pasa del pasado al presente constatemente con sus ejemplos， y a las pocas páginas te encuentras comprendiendo como es que Trump， y sus alter egos en países como Brasil y España comienzan a trepar cada vez más fuerte todas las esferas de comunicación y política。Y bueno， en este punto donde la ultraderecha se normaliza y afianza cada vez más， libros como estos son necesarios para diferenciar， detectar y detener su crecimiento en todos los espacios vitales que podamos。No le pongo las 5🌟 sólo porque me faltó que hablara sobre procesos fascistas más allá de Europa y EU。 Pero bueno， eso ya es personal。 La carencia no le quita nada。 。。。more
Dave
，
disentangles a lot of international headline stories and stacks up a concise list of strategies would-be dictatorship regimes traditionally use to destabilize democracies and centralize political power。 the discouraging message seems to be that citizens can be engineered into an obedient-enough mob if you leverage their in-group vanity （for which they'll believe anything）， their allergy for reason once their emotional fears are triggered， and their inability to deduce facts from or deconstruct l disentangles a lot of international headline stories and stacks up a concise list of strategies would-be dictatorship regimes traditionally use to destabilize democracies and centralize political power。 the discouraging message seems to be that citizens can be engineered into an obedient-enough mob if you leverage their in-group vanity （for which they'll believe anything）， their allergy for reason once their emotional fears are triggered， and their inability to deduce facts from or deconstruct language as it becomes distorted and circulated by the state。 。。。more
Hannah Tager
，
Unfortunately， I do not think this book was written for the people who will read it。 Or， perhaps what seemed like a cutting edge historial intervention has just aged into a superficial analysis of contemporary fascist politics。 Or maybe， like Stanley suggests， I’ve become jaded by what should be a shocking truth。Either way， I was unimpressed by Stanley’s citation base。 The book has an inherently short shelf life—most of the quotes are from news articles from 2017。 Reads like an extended Atlantic Unfortunately， I do not think this book was written for the people who will read it。 Or， perhaps what seemed like a cutting edge historial intervention has just aged into a superficial analysis of contemporary fascist politics。 Or maybe， like Stanley suggests， I’ve become jaded by what should be a shocking truth。Either way， I was unimpressed by Stanley’s citation base。 The book has an inherently short shelf life—most of the quotes are from news articles from 2017。 Reads like an extended Atlantic article， which it may very well be。 。。。more
Bagun
，
Solid introduction to these important concepts。 Very readable。
Moon Captain
，
heyyy that was smart and good！ thanks Jason！
Shuvopriyo Roy
，
An highly engrossing read， which deserved to be a much more detailed book！The book is brilliant in terms of how it captures patterns of fascist politics and policies。 It picks up examples from nations across the world highlighting relevant examples from the rising wave of right wing hyper nationalism and jingoism in countries like Hungary， Poland， India， US， Turkey etc。 It has quite a bit of reference of Mein Kampf ofcourse， with Trump featuring heavily。Whilst the tenets drawn from the patterns An highly engrossing read， which deserved to be a much more detailed book！The book is brilliant in terms of how it captures patterns of fascist politics and policies。 It picks up examples from nations across the world highlighting relevant examples from the rising wave of right wing hyper nationalism and jingoism in countries like Hungary， Poland， India， US， Turkey etc。 It has quite a bit of reference of Mein Kampf ofcourse， with Trump featuring heavily。Whilst the tenets drawn from the patterns seem plausible， not all of them in isolation seem to be an indicator of Fascism。 For example， the idea of self sufficient village doesn't necessarily need to have underpinnings of fascism depending on which lens you take。 It could definitely be a contributing factor when the mood of the nation is gravitating towards xenophobia， distrust， and messaihnic fervor of a strongman。 In India， in many regions， they can become cesspools of casteism （binding social stratification by birth - extending to economic as well - having one of the worst histories of oppression）， these are still the places where left leaning ideas and democracy building practices need to be taken forward。I would have loved to put a 5-star here， but at some places it wasn't comprehensive enough， not detailed enough。 All in all， it's a brilliant book。 Every tenet seemed especially applicable to India， almost funnily in an extremely dark sense。 。。。more
Chris
，
A vital read for everyone living in a democracy who wants to prevent an evolution into a fascist regime。
Lauragiffin
，
Extremely lucid and explicit explanation of the function of fascist politics that one may not totally agree with （I don't） but is so clear it makes it easy to understand and engage with。 Insightful， and really really glad I read it。 Extremely lucid and explicit explanation of the function of fascist politics that one may not totally agree with （I don't） but is so clear it makes it easy to understand and engage with。 Insightful， and really really glad I read it。 。。。more
Sydney
，
I really appreciated how this book was structured， with separate sections I was able to jump around to。 Interesting read and I may have to go back to this again in the future。
Aga Byrczek
，
I think I was alerady quite aware of many of the concepts presented in the book， but anyway it helped me structure the knowledge and well this is one of those must read books in my opinion。
Sean
，
Decent overview of the various components of fascism。Stanley's shortest definition: "a cult of the leader who promises national restoration in the face of humiliation brought on by supposed communists， Marxists， minorities， and immigrants who are supposedly posing a threat to the character and the history of a nation。 The leader proposes that only he can solve it and all of his political opponents are enemies or traitors。"The long definition from the introduction:"Fascist politicians justify the Decent overview of the various components of fascism。Stanley's shortest definition: "a cult of the leader who promises national restoration in the face of humiliation brought on by supposed communists， Marxists， minorities， and immigrants who are supposedly posing a threat to the character and the history of a nation。 The leader proposes that only he can solve it and all of his political opponents are enemies or traitors。"The long definition from the introduction:"Fascist politicians justify their ideas by breaking down a common sense of history in creating a *mythic past* to support their vision for the present。 They rewrite the population's shared understanding of reality by twisting the language of ideals through *propaganda* and promoting *anti-intellectualism*， attacking universities and educational systems that might challenge their ideas。 Eventually， with these techniques， fascist politics creates a state of *unreality*， in which conspiracy theories and fake news replace reasoned debate。As the common understanding of reality crumbles， fascist politics makes room for dangerous and false beliefs to take root。 First， fascist ideology seeks to naturalize group difference， thereby giving the appearance of natural， scientific support for a *hierarchy* of human worth。 When social rankings and divisions solidify， fear fills in for understanding between groups。 Any progress for a minority group stokes feeling of *victimhood* among the dominant population。 *Law and order* politics has mass appeal， casting 'us' as lawful citizens and 'them，' by contrast， as lawless criminals whose behavior poses an existential threat to the manhood of the nation。 *Sexual anxiety* is also typical of fascist politics as the patriarchal hierarchy is threatened by growing gender equity。As the fear of 'them' grows， 'we' come to represent everything virtuous。 'We' live in the rural heartland， where pure values and traditions of the nation still miraculously exist despite the threat of cosmopolitanism from the nation's cities， alongside the hordes of miniorities who live there， emboldened by liberal tolerance。 'We' are hardworking， and have earned our pride of place by struggle and merit。 'They' are lazy， surviving off the goods we produce by exploiting the generosity of our welfare systems， or employing corrupt institutions， such as labor unions， meant to separate honest， hardworking citizens from their pay。 'We' are makers; 'they' are takers" （xvi-xviii）。"It's hard to advance a policy that will harm a large group of people in straightforward terms。 The role of political propaganda is to conceal politicians' or political movements' clearly problematic goals by masking them with ideals that are widely accepted。。。 Political propaganda uses the language of virtuous ideals to unite people behind otherwise objectionable ends" （24）。[my addition - see our current wave of Jim Crow voter suppression laws across the country in 2021）。On Corruption:“Corruption， to the fascist politician， is really about the corruption of purity rather than of law。 Officially， the fascist politician’s denunciations of corruption sound like a denunciation of political corruption。 But such talk is intended to evoke corruption in the sense of the usurpation of traditional order” （26）。“To many white Americans， President Obama must have been corrupt， because his very occupation of the White House was a kind of corruption of the traditional order。 When women attain positions of political power usually reserved for me–or when Muslims， blacks， Jews， homosexuals， or ‘cosmopolitans’ profit or even share the public goods of a democracy， such as healthcare–that is perceived as corruption。 Fascist politicians know that their supporters will turn a blind eye to their own， true corruption since in their own case it is just a matter of members of the chosen nation taking what is rightfully theirs…Masking corruption under the guise of anticorruption is a hallmark strategy of fascist propaganda…the journalist Peter Pomerantsev describes [Russian propaganda minister] Surkov’s [work] as democratic rhetoric with undemocratic intent” （27）。On Conspiracy Theories:Because the audience for conspiracy theories readily discount their own experience， it is often unimportant that the conspiracy theories are demonstrably false。 Texas House Bill 45， the ‘American Laws for American Courts’ bill signed into law by Texas governor Greg Abbott in June 2017， is intended to block Muslims from bringing Sharia law into the state。 That Muslims are trying to sneakily transform Texas into an Islamic republic is deeply improbable–as is the hypothesis that President Obama is a secret Muslim pretending to be a Christian in order to overthrow the U。S。 government。 These conspiracy theories are effective nevertheless because they provide simple explanations for otherwise irrational emotions， such as resentment or xenophobic fear in the face of perceived threats。 The idea that President Obama is secretly a Muslim pretending to be a Christian in order to overthrow the U。S。 government makes rational sense of the irrational feeling of threat many white people had upon his ascension to the presidency。 That Muslims are trying to sneak Sharia law into Texas makes rational sense of the feeling of fear caused by a combination of religious nationalists spreading anti-Muslim xenophobia， and ISIS propaganda videos of terrorist acts committed on far-off shores。 Once a public accepts the comfort of conspiracy thinking as an explanation for irrational fears and resentments， its members will cease to be guided by reason in political deliberation” （66）。“Spreading wild conspiracy theories benefits fascist movements。 And yet how can this be， if reason always wins out in the public square of liberal democracy？ Shouldn’t liberal democracy promote a full airing of all possibilities， even false and bizarre ones， because the truth will eventually prevail in the marketplace of ideas？Perhaps philosophy’s most famous defense of the freedom of speech was articulated by John Stuart Mill， who defending the ideal in his 1859 work On Liberty。 In chapter 2， ‘Of the Liberty of Thought and Discussion，’ Mill sets out to establish that silencing any opinion is wrong， even if the opinion is false。 To silence a false opinion is wrong， because knowledge arises only from the ‘collusion [of truth] with error。’ In other words， true belief becomes knowledge only by emerging victorious from the din of argument and disagreement and discussion。According to Mill， knowledge emerges only as the result of deliberation with opposing positions， which must occur either with the actual opponents or through internal dialogue。 Without this process， even true belief remains mere ‘prejudice。’ We must allow all speech， even defense of false claims and conspiracy theories， because it is only then that we have a chance of achieving knowledge。Whether rightly or wrong， many associate Mill’s On Liberty with the motif of a ‘marketplace of ideas，’ a realm that， if left to operate on its own， will drive out prejudice and falsehood and produce knowledge。 But the notion of a ‘marketplace oof ideas，’ like that of a free market generally， is predicated on a utopian conception of consumers。 In the case of the metaphor of the marketplace of ideas， the utopian assumption is that conversation works by exchange of reasons， with one party offering it’s reasons which are then countered by the reasons of an opponent， until the truth ultimately emerges。 But conversation is not just used to communicate information。 Conversation is also used to shut out perspectives， raise fears， and heighten prejudice。 The philosopher Ernst Cassirer writes in 1946， remarking on the changes wrought by fascist politics on the German language:‘If we study our modern political myths and the use that has been made of them we find in them， to our great surprise， not only a transvaluation of all our ethical values but also a transformation of human speech… New words have been coined， and even the ld ones are used in a new sense; they have undergone a deep change of meaning。 This change of meaning depends upon the fact that these words which formerly were used in a descriptive， logical， or semantic sense are now used as magic words that are destined to produce certain effects and to stir up certain emotions。 Our ordinary words are charged with meanings; but these newfangled words are charged with feelings and violent passions。’The argument for the ‘marketplace of ideas’ presupposes that words are used only in their ‘descriptive， logical， or semantic sense。’ But in politics， and most vividly in fascist politics， language is not used simply， or even chiefly， to convey information but to elicit emotion。The argument from ‘the marketplace of ideas’ model for free speech works only if the underlying disposition of the society is to accept the force of reason over the power of irrational resentments and prejudice。 If the society is divided， however， then a demagogic p[olitican can exploit the division by using language to sow fear， accentuate prejudice， and call for revenge against members of hated groups。 Attempting to counter such rhetoric with reason is akin to using a pamphlet against a pistol。Mill seems to think that knowledge， and *only* knowledge， emerges from arguments between dedicated opponents。 Such a process， according to Mill， destroys prejudice。 Mill would surely then be pleased with the Russian television network RT， whose Moto is “Question More。” If Mill is correct， RT， which features voices from across the broadest possible political spectrum， from neo-Nazis to far leftists， should be the paradigm source of knowledge production。 However， RT’s strategy was not devised to produce knowledge。 It was rather devised as a propaganda technique， to undermine trust in basic democratic institutions。 Objective truth is drowned out in the resulting cacophony of voices。 The effect of RT， as well as the myriad conspiracy-theory-producing websites across the world， including in the United States， has been to destabilize the kind of shared reality that is in fact required for democratic contestation。What did Mill get wrong here？Disagreement requires a shared set of presuppositions about the world。 Even dueling requires agreement about the rules。 You and I might disagree about whether President Obama’s healthcare plan was good policy。 But if you suspect that President Obama was an undercover Muslim spy seeking to destroy the United States， and I do not， our discussion will not be productive。 We will not be talking about the costs and benefits of Obama’s health policy， but rather about whether any of his policies mask a devious antidemocratic agenda。In devising the strategy for RT， Russian propagandists， or ‘political technologists，’ realized that with a cacophony of opinions and outlandish possibilities， on could undermine the basic background set of presuppositions about the world that allows for productive inquiry。 One can hardly have reasoned discussion about climate policy when one suspects that the scientists who tell us about climate change have a secret pro-homosexual agenda （as for example the evangelical media leader Tony Perkins suggested on an October 29th， 2014 edition of his radio program Washington Watch）。 Allowing every opinion into the public sphere and giving it serious time for consideration， far from resulting in a process that is conducive to knowledge formation via deliberation， destroys its very possibility。 Responsible media in a liberal democracy must， in the face of this threat， try to report the truth， and resist the temptation to report on every possible theory， no mater how fantastical， as long as someone advances it” （67-70）。“Fascist politics， as we have seen， seeks to undermine trust in the press and universities。 But the information sphere of a health democratic society does not include just democratic institutions。 Spreading general suspicion and doubt undermines the bonds of mutual respect between fellow citizens， leaving them with deep wells of mistrust not just toward institutions but also toward one another。 Fascist politics seeks to destroy the relations of mutual respect between citizens that are the foundation of a healthy liberal democracy， replacing them ultimately with trust in one figure alone， the leader。 When fascist politics is at its most successful， the leader is regarded by the followers as singularly trustworthy” （71）。——“Fascist politics feeds of the sense of aggrieved victimization caused by loss of hierarchal status” （90）。Victimhood is an overwhelming emotion that also conceals the contradiction between quality-driven and domination-driven nationalist movements。 When groups in power use the mask of nationalism of the oppressed， or of genuine oppression in the past， to advance their own hegemony， they are using it to undermine equality。 When the Israeli right uses the unquestioned history of Jewish oppression to assert Jewish dominance over Palestinian lands and lives， they are relying on the sense of victimization to obscure the contradiction between a struggle for equal respect and struggle for dominance。 Oppression is a powerful motivation for action， but the questions of who is wielding it when， under what context， and against whom， remain eternally crucial” （106）。In 1989， five black teenagers–the “Central Park Five”– were arrested for the gang rape of a white woman jogger in New York City’s Central Park。 Newspapers at the time were filled with breathless accounting of ‘wilding’ black lawless teens rampaging and raping white women。 At the time Donald Trump took out full-page ads in several New York City newspapers， describing them as ‘crazed misfits’ and calling for their execution。 Subsequently， it emerged not only that the Central Park Five were innocent， but that they were known to be innocent to many of those involved in the their prosecution。 Years alter， all five were completely exonerated and given a cash settlement by the City of New York。In November 2016， Jeff Sessions， now the U。S。 attorney general， praised then president-elect Donald Trump’s 1989 comments about the Central Park Five as demonstrating his commitment to ‘law and order。’ This is a striking understanding of law and order， not only because the teenagers were， in fact， completely innocent， but because Trump’s words left no room for due process in the case。 Norms of law and order in a liberal democratic state are fundamentally fair。 Session’s use of the phrase ‘law and order’ instead seems to refer to a system of laws that declares young black meant o be， in their very existence， violations of law and order” （110）。“By employing the politics of sexual anxiety， a political leader represents， albeit indirectly， freedom and equality as threats。 The expression of gender identity or sexual identity is an exercise of freedom。 By presenting homosexuals or transgender women as a threat to women and children–and， by extension， to men’s ability to protect them–fascist politics impugns the liberal ideal of freedom。 A woman’s right to have an abortion is also an exercise of freedom。 By representing abortion as a threat to children–and to men’s control over them–fascist politics imgusn the liberal ideal of freedom。 A person’s right to marry whom they wish is an exercise of freedom; by representing members of one religion， or one race， as a threat because of the possibility of intermarriage is to impugn the liberal idea of freedom。The politics of sexual anxiety also undermines equality。 When equality is granted to women， the role of men as sole providers for their families is threatened。 Highlighting male helplessness in the face of sexual threat to their wives and children accentuates such feelings of anxiety at the loss of patriarch masculinity。 The politics of sexual anxiety is a powerful way to present freedom and equality as fundamental threats without explicitly appearing to reject them。 A robust presence of a politics of sexual anxiety is perhaps the most vivid sign of the erosion of liberal democracy’ （139）。“There are more reasons why fascist ideology targets labor unions。 Fascist politics is most effective under conditions of stark economic inequality。 Research shows that a proliferation of labor unions is the best antidote to the development of such conditions。 As the Harvard political scientist Archon Fung points out， ‘many societies that have low levels of inequality also have high participation in labor unions。’ Fung notes that an extraordinary statistic derived from a study of inequality and labor union density in OECD countries （most of the stable democracies in North America and Europe） in 2013。 Fung points out that ‘countries with high union density have low income inequality （Denmark， Finland， Sweden， and Iceland）， and the high inequality countries also have low union density （US， Chile， Mexico， and Turkey）。’ The number of countries with high inequality and high union density was *zero*。 Labor unions are a powerful weapon against the development of an unequal economic sphere。 Because fascism thrives under conditions of economic uncertainty， where fear and resentment can be mobilized to set citizens against one another， labor unions guard against fascist politics’ gaining a foothold” （172）。“Fascist movements share with social Darwinism the idea that life is a competition for power， according to which the division of society’s resources should be left up to pure free market competition。 Fascist movements share its ideals of hard work， private enterprise， and self-sufficiency。 To have a life worthy of value， for the social Darwinist， is to have risen above others by struggle and merit， to have survived a fierce competition for resources。 Those who do not compete successfully do no deserve the goods and resources of the society。 In an ideology that measures worth by productivity， propaganda that represents members of an out-group as lazy is a way to justify placing them lower on a hierarchy of worth” （177）。“The pull of fascist politics is powerful。 It simplifies human existence， gives us an object， a ‘them’ whose supposed laziness highlights our own virtue and discipline， encourages us to identify with a forceful leader who helps us make sense of the world， whose bluntness regarding the ‘undeserving’ people in the world is refreshing。 If democracy looks like a successful business， if the CEO is tough-talking and cares little for democratic institutions， even denigrates them， so much the better。 Fascist politics preys on the human frailty that makes our own suffering seem bearable if we know that those we look down upon are being made to suffer more” （183）。 。。。more
Danny
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If you're the type of person who would read a book like this you're probably familiar with a lot of the content。 The most interesting parts are about the author's grandmother saving people from concentration camps。 I prefer his conversations on YouTube。 Seems like an interesting dude。 If you're the type of person who would read a book like this you're probably familiar with a lot of the content。 The most interesting parts are about the author's grandmother saving people from concentration camps。 I prefer his conversations on YouTube。 Seems like an interesting dude。 。。。more
Alison Fulmer
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Should be required reading， the US has been moving away from attempting to establish the idea democracy and towards fascism for decades， the Republican Party platform now is fascistic and Trump is a fascist。 The situation is being normalized。 Strongly recommend this well organized， and easily understood book， including passages from Mein Kampf to illustrate our danger。
Scott Thompson
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I wanted to give it 2 stars because how one-sided the argument was。 Basically farmers are fascists and the cows they raise are ruining the world。 The Hitler and Nazi comparisons felt very contrived。 Yes， we all understand that Trump is the devil and he is creating the next fascist regime when he rules as supreme overlord but tell me how you really feel。 The logic is so faulty in some spots that it is amazing the editor let it pass。 I actually wrote some down because I was shocked that he really I wanted to give it 2 stars because how one-sided the argument was。 Basically farmers are fascists and the cows they raise are ruining the world。 The Hitler and Nazi comparisons felt very contrived。 Yes， we all understand that Trump is the devil and he is creating the next fascist regime when he rules as supreme overlord but tell me how you really feel。 The logic is so faulty in some spots that it is amazing the editor let it pass。 I actually wrote some down because I was shocked that he really said them。 Read a Wiki on Fascism and give this book a pass。 。。。more
Mirko Kriskovic
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Interesting proposition， the author definition of Fascism is quite extensive， I immediately thought of one country， alas it remained the Elephant in the room until Chapter 6 （Victimhood）。He makes a rather convincing case for Trump's fascist tendencies （Nationalism， make America Great Again） but seems to be totally comfortable by the way the "Left" （The Traditional Democrat establishment） resisted this ''Fascist" - attacked/resisted from the RIGHT of his positions！He touches upon the outrageous r Interesting proposition， the author definition of Fascism is quite extensive， I immediately thought of one country， alas it remained the Elephant in the room until Chapter 6 （Victimhood）。He makes a rather convincing case for Trump's fascist tendencies （Nationalism， make America Great Again） but seems to be totally comfortable by the way the "Left" （The Traditional Democrat establishment） resisted this ''Fascist" - attacked/resisted from the RIGHT of his positions！He touches upon the outrageous rate of incarcerations of African-Americans （why the term， most blacks in the USA have never been to Africa？！） in Chapter 7 "Law and Order" placing the blame on Nixon's get tough on crime bill。。。。Super Predators approach seemed to have been enacted by an unnamed administration （it was of course Bill Clinton）。Great expose but in my view， it suffers from a severe case of feeble/spineless examples。 Applying his definitions and cases presented you get the impression that FASCISM is not exclusive to the GOP， but an American malady。To be fair if you read this book with extreme care - he does not say a lot and implies plenty。I agree 100% with the author's conclusions。 。。。more
Lina Fernandez
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